April - May 2009
Also available in Acrobat PDF Format
Denton Voter
The
League of Women Voters, Denton, Texas
Established 1961
April - May 2009
Sue Smith, President
Byron Witmer, VOTER Editor
P. O. Box
424945 TWU Station
Denton, TX 76204
www.lwvdenton.org
|
LWV DENTON CALENDAR
Thursday, April 16, 7 pm. |
|
DENTON ELECTION CALENDAR
|
| President: | Sondra Ferstl |
| Organization VP: | Barbara Coe |
| Community Service VP: | Open |
| Treasurer: | Sue Smith |
| Secretary: | Kay Branum |
| Director: | Barbara Burns |
| Director: | Linnie McAdams |
| Nominating Committee: |
Dorothy Damico, Chair Barbara Huggins Ann MacMillan |
LWVUS has asked us to have a consensus meeting on the issue of electing the
President through a popular vote.
Please join us for this interesting and important discussion that goes to the
heart of our democracy and the reason for the League.
Because there are many considerations, I urge you to read the following
background material so you can come to the meeting ready to make a contribution.
Selection of the President
A League study of the presidential electoral process culminated in its 1970
position supporting direct election of the President by popular vote as an
essential element of representative government. At the 2002 Convention, the
League expanded its position, and in 2008, the delegates voted to adopt a new
study, "The Advisability of Using the National Popular Vote Compact among the
States as a Method for Electing the President."
The League’s Position
The League of Women Voters of the United States believes that the
direct-popular-vote method for electing the President and Vice-President is
essential to representative government. The League of Women Voters believes,
therefore, that the Electoral College should be abolished. The League also
supports uniform voting qualifications and procedures for presidential
elections. The League supports changes in the presidential election system –
from the candidate selection process to the general election. We support efforts
to provide voters with sufficient information about candidates and their
positions, public policy issues and the selection process itself. The League
supports action to ensure that the media, political parties, candidates, and all
levels of government achieve these goals and provide that information.
Explanation of the Position
The League strongly believes that the Electoral College should be abolished and
not merely "reformed." One "reform" which the League specifically rejects is the
voting by electors based on proportional representation in lieu of the present
"winner-takes-all" method. Such a system would apportion the electoral votes of
a state based on the popular vote in that state. Instead of making the Electoral
College more representative, such proportional voting would increase the chance
that no candidate would receive a majority in the Electoral College, thereby
sending the election of the President to the House of Representatives where each
state, regardless of population, would receive only one vote. Election of the
President by the House further removes the decision from the people and is
contrary to the "one person, one vote" principle. The League also does not
support reform of the Electoral College on a state-by-state basis because the
League believes there should be uniformity across the nation in the systems used
to elect the President.
The Electoral College - A Review
Although the LWVUS has specifically adopted a position calling for the abolition
of the Electoral College, a short review of the mechanics of that system of
Selection of the President is helpful to an understanding of the National
Popular Vote Compact.
The Electoral College is a process established by the founding fathers as a
compromise between election of the President by Congress and election by popular
vote. In short, the people of the United States
who then vote for the President and Vice President.
Each state is entitled to
a number of presidential electors equal to its total representation in the House
and Senate. The District of Columbia is awarded a number of electors equal to
that of the least populous state.
The founding fathers
designed this constitutional plan to promote several principles they considered
important. One goal was to ensure that smaller states had a role in the election
of the President. Secondly, the emphasis on the power of the state as contrasted
to the power of the individual voter fostered the principles of federalism which
are the core of the governmental process. Finally, the use of electors rather
than popular vote assuaged concerns that the electorate was not competent or
knowledgeable enough to be entrusted with the direct election of important
government officials, such as the President and Vice President.
The electors are selected,
according to the Constitution, in the "manner" designated by the state's
"legislature" (the Congress in the case of the District). At present, the
"manner" chosen by every state is by popular election. Most of the states (and
the District of Columbia) use a winner-take-all system, in which the candidate
who receives a majority of the vote, or a plurality of the popular vote (less
than 50 percent but more than any other candidate) takes all of the State's
electoral votes. In Maine and Nebraska, the winner of the popular vote in each
congressional district wins an elector, and the remaining two electors are
chosen based on the statewide vote.
On Election Day, the
voters cast their ballots for electors, even though the names of the candidates
for President and Vice President are often the names shown on the ballot. Each
state’s electors meet forty days after Election Day, and the formal balloting
for president takes place at those meetings.
Many different proposals
to alter the presidential election process by amending the Constitution,
including direct nation-wide election by the people, have been offered over the
years. None have been passed by Congress and sent to the States for
ratification. Under the most common method for amending the Constitution, an
amendment must be proposed by a two-thirds majority in both houses of Congress
and ratified by three-fourths of the states.
The Movement against the
Electoral College
The most compelling argument against the Electoral College is that it prevents
the direct election of the President by popular vote and is, therefore, contrary
to modern principles of representative government. Studies show that more than
70 percent of American citizens favor the election of the President by popular
vote.
Beyond this basic
theoretical objection is the very practical objection that the Electoral College
system enables candidates who have not received the most votes cast by American
voters to become President.
We have seen such an
outcome four times in our history. The first time was the 1824 election which
was won by John Q. Adams even though he received fewer electoral votes and fewer
popular votes than Andrew Jackson.
In 1876, Rutherford B. Hayes beat Samuel J. Tilden by one electoral vote,
becoming President despite trailing in the popular vote.
In 1888, Benjamin Harrison beat Grover Cleveland in the
electoral vote, despite
Cleveland’s popular vote margin. In
the 2000 presidential election, George W. Bush received fewer popular votes than
Albert Gore, Jr., but received a majority of electoral votes. The situation was
almost reversed in 2004. Although President Bush received more than three
million more popular votes than John Kerry, Kerry would have been elected
President if Ohio’s electoral votes had been cast in his favor.
These circumstances have
prompted much discussion on the advisability and feasibility of reforming our
election process to eliminate the Electoral College and to elect the President
by direct election. This conversation is not new. Over the past 200 years,
according to the National Archives, more than 700 proposals have been introduced
in Congress to reform or eliminate the Electoral College.
Against this background comes the National Popular Vote Compact Proposal
(NPV).
The National Popular Vote Compact Proposal
The National Popular Vote Compact proposal offers a method of achieving the
result of election of the President by popular vote without amending the
Constitution to eliminate the Electoral College. Instead, this method
uses the mechanism of the Electoral College to ensure that the
candidate who receives the most popular votes is elected President of the United
States.
Under the proposed legislation to enact the National Popular Vote Compact, all
of the state’s electoral votes would be awarded to the presidential candidate
who receives the most popular votes in all 50 states and the District of
Columbia. The bill would take effect only when enacted, in identical form, by
states possessing a majority of the electoral votes—that is, enough electoral
votes to elect a President (270 of 538)
The NPV Compact proposal
is predicated upon the portion of the United States Constitution which states:
"Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may
direct, a Number of Electors…" (Article II, Section 1, Clause 2)
(emphasis added)
The constitutional
wording, "as the Legislature thereof may direct," contains no restriction on the
states’ exercise of their power with respect to their electors. The U.S. Supreme
Court has repeatedly supported the states right to decide how to select their
electors and award their electoral votes. Thus, proponents of the NPV Compact
claim that the U.S. Constitution need not be changed in order to implement
nationwide NPV. Rather, they maintain, this change can be accomplished in the
same way that the current system evolved—namely, the states will use their
exclusive and plenary power to decide the manner of awarding their electoral
votes.
An additional
constitutional underpinning of the NPV is the Compact Clause (Article I,
Section 10, Clause 3), which permits states to enter into legally
enforceable contractual obligations to undertake agreed joint action with other
states. Interstate compacts are typically used to address problems that concern
more than one state—the states which are affected enter into a compact
(contract) which regulates their actions, ensuring uniform response by the
states to address their mutual concerns. These contracts are typically enacted
through the passage of identical legislation by the compacting states.
Under the state
legislation proposed to establish the NPV, the popular vote counts from all 50
states and the District of Columbia would be added together to obtain a national
grand total for each presidential candidate. Then, state elections officials in
all states participating in the plan would award their electoral votes to the
presidential candidate who receives the largest number of popular votes in all
50 states and the District of Columbia. The NPV Compact plan would take effect
only when it has been enacted by states collectively possessing a majority of
the electoral votes. The 270-vote threshold also corresponds essentially to
states representing a majority of the people of the United States. As a result,
every vote in all 50 states and the District of Columbia would be equally
important in presidential elections.
The compact contains a
six-month blackout period, (July 20 of each presidential election year through
the January 20 inauguration), during which no state can withdraw from the
compact. It is settled compact law and settled constitutional law that
withdrawal restrictions—very common in interstate compacts—are enforceable
because the U.S. Constitution prohibits a state from impairing any obligation of
contract.
The legislation contains
other procedural provisions that would ensure the smooth functioning of the
agreement. For example, one clause addresses the possibility of a tie in the
national popular vote. If there is no national popular vote winner, each state
chooses the electors for the candidate who has won that state.
Another clause addresses
circumstances in which the winner of the national popular vote might be
prevented from receiving the electoral votes from a member state. For example,
it is possible that the winner of the national popular vote fails to appear as a
candidate in a particular state and, therefore, there are no appropriate
electors for the state to certify. To address that situation and five other
situations identified by the drafters of the legislation as possible anomalies
in the process they have developed, a mechanism is provided whereby the desired
result is obtained by allowing the presidential candidate who has received the
largest number of votes in the national election to select the electors in the
state in which no electors associated with the winning slate have been elected.
The full text of the compact is available at
www.lwv.org.
Current Status of the National Popular Vote Compact
Since passage of the National Popular Vote Compact is accomplished on a
state-by-state basis, its status is fluid. As of September 1, 2008, the
legislation necessary to activate the compact has been signed into law in four
states: Maryland, New Jersey, Hawaii and Illinois, for a total of 50 of the 270
electoral votes required to activate the NPV Compact. NPV Compact bills have
been introduced in 15 other states, where some have passed committee and others
have passed one house.
ARGUMENTS IN FAVOR OF THE NPVC
Difficulty of
Amending the Constitution. Amendment of the Constitution is a
very long process with uncertain results. Most of the electorate is also in
favor of a system in which the candidate who receives the most votes wins. Thus,
a more rapid, direct path to the national popular vote would be in the interests
of the electorate.
Amendment
Necessary or Not. No
constitutional amendment is needed to implement the NPV Compact. Under the U.S.
Constitution, the states already have the right and power to implement the
change. Primary constitutional authority for the Compact is found in Article II,
section 1, clause 2.
Interstate
Compacts are Legitimate.
The crux of the NPV Compact proposal is an interstate compact in which states
would commit to cast their votes for the winner of the national popular vote.
Congressional
Consent.
Supreme Court rulings have established that most compacts do not, in fact,
require congressional approval. However, to avoid time-consuming litigation on
this procedural issue, backers have decided to seek congressional consent. In
deference to the exclusive power of the states to decide the manner of awarding
electoral votes, the question might be presented to Congress in the form of a
bill to grant consent to the Compact on behalf of the District of
Columbia. Proponents believe that positive action on this legislation would
imply tacit congressional consent to the Compact as a whole.
President of
the Minority.
Voters assume that the candidate who wins an election will be the candidate that
received the most votes—either a majority or a plurality (in multi-candidate
elections). When the "victor" actually receives fewer votes than another
candidate, people are led to question the nature of our electoral system.
Furthermore, presidents elected by a popular majority via the NPV Compact would
be "stronger" presidents because they would have a greater, more democratic
legitimacy.
Few
Battleground States.
Presidential campaigns currently focus on a few key states which are the
determinants of an Electoral College victory or loss.
Most media and candidate attention are focused on the
few "competitive" states whose Electoral College votes are believed to be at
stake. Under this system, some votes
are worth much more than other votes.
A large portion of the country is ignored by the major candidates, except
to the extent that the candidates visit "safe" states in search of campaign
funds to fuel their activities in the toss-up states.
Under the NPV
Compact, candidates would have to be sensitive to the trend of opinion in all
states and to develop campaign strategies that appeal to a very broad spectrum
of the electorate. This would bring
many more voters directly into the electoral process and take them out of the
"spectator from afar" role, thereby increasing interest in the election
nationwide.
State
Identity. States'
rights advocates argue that it is an affront to state sovereignty to award a
state's electoral votes to a candidate who did not carry that state. This
assumes that the voters within that state care more about their state identity
than their own personal vote. The question is whether it is more important for
the winner in a particular state to receive the state's electoral votes or for
the winner of the entire country to be selected as president. Polls indicate
that only about 20 per cent of the public support the current system of awarding
all the electors of that state on a winner-take-all basis.
Influencing
the Winner. Critics of
the NPV Compact claimed that "11 colluding states" (as they term them) could
theoretically impose their will on the country because those states contain the
majority of the population and account for the 270 electoral votes needed for
the Compact to take effect. While these 11 largest states do contain 56 per cent
of the population, the real likelihood of such "collusion" is extremely small as
they have little in common politically. Of the 11 states, recently five tended
to vote Republican (Texas, Florida, Ohio, North Carolina, and Georgia) and six
tended to vote Democratic (California, New York, Illinois, Pennsylvania,
Michigan and New Jersey). Furthermore, the NPV Compact has so far been enacted
by four states: Hawaii (a small state), Maryland (an average-sized state), and
New Jersey and Illinois (large states). Although passed by the Maine Senate and
both houses in Vermont, California and Rhode Island, the Compact has not been
signed into law by the governors of those states. Support for the NPV Compact
has been across the board so far and in no way limited to the largest states.
Questioning
the Approach. Opponents
have portrayed the interstate compact approach as disregarding the U.S.
Constitution. This argument ignores the fact that many amendments to the
Constitution have begun as state actions to change practices which could have
been (and eventually were) changed by constitutional amendment.
The very
right to vote for president was begun through enactment of laws by state
legislatures - on a state-by-state basis. In 1789 only five states permitted a
direct vote for electors. By 1824 three-quarters of the states had such a right,
but it was not until 1880 that a direct vote of the people was fully enacted.
Other
fundamental voting changes have been accomplished through state-by-state changes
in law. Among such changes were the abolition of the requirement that voters be
property holders and the extension of the franchise to women, blacks and persons
under 21. All of these changes were begun by legislation in individual states,
and few criticized the approach as an end run around the Constitution.
Small
States. The
political power of small states would be increased under the NPV
Compact. Currently, political power generally resides in the closely divided
battleground states. Few of the 22 least populous states are battlegrounds. With
the NPV Compact each vote becomes important regardless of the state; state size
and closeness of the race within a state would be less relevant.
Electing the
REAL Winner. Out of our
nation's 55 presidential elections, there have been four in which the candidate
elected to the presidency is not the person who won the most votes. This is a
failure rate of 1 in 14, which does not instill confidence in the procedures for
electing the President of the United States.
When an election is a landslide, there is less chance of a "wrong
winner," but the more divided the country and the closer the elections, the
greater the chance of erroneous results.
Enforcements:
Post-Election Protection of Rules. Some
critics warn that a state legislature might, for partisan reasons and after
signing onto the Compact, change the rules for awarding electoral votes—after
the people have voted, but before the Electoral College meets.
The drafters
of the NPV Compact have anticipated such a problem and have included a mechanism
which permits a state to withdraw from the Compact, but only according to a
timetable which prevents deleterious effect upon a particular election.
There
black-out period was chosen because it includes six major events relating to the
presidential election: the national conventions, the campaign period, Election
Day, Meeting of the Electoral College, counting of the electoral votes, and
Inauguration Day.
Winning
Levels. The
winner-take-all rule (currently used by 48 of the 50 states) is not required by
the U.S. Constitution. Changing the
winner-take-all rule does not require an amendment to the Constitution but may
be changed in the same way that it was originally adopted, namely by the
enactment of state laws by state legislatures on a state-by-state basis.
Recounts. It
is anticipated that the need for recounts will diminish under the NPV Compact
because, although the vote count can be extremely close in battleground states,
the numbers are not close on a nationwide basis. Should a recount be necessary,
the plans and resources to conduct a recount would still be the responsibility
of the state experiencing the close vote.
Election
Fraud. The
adoption of the NPV Compact would diminish the danger of both
voter fraud and election fraud/voter suppression. Under the current system, with
only a few battleground states in play, the temptation to engage in election
fraud or voter suppression is increased by the skewed weight of votes in
battleground states. In the Electoral College system, with most states using a
winner-take-all process, one fraudulent vote could affect the entire state's
electoral votes. Under a direct popular vote system nationwide, one fraudulent
vote has far less effect on the outcome.
Voting Rights
Act. The
NPV Compact is in total harmony with both the terms and purpose of the Voting
Rights Act, which was enacted to guarantee equality of the vote throughout the
United States, particularly in relation to racial minorities. The NPV Compact's
goal is to create an equal vote for all voters throughout the United States.
Faithless
Electors. The
faithless elector issue is not a practical concern. States already have
constitutional authority to address problems as they come up. The NPV Compact,
awarding the nationwide winner the majority of electoral votes as a base, makes
the possibility of a faithless elector having any effect on the election
unlikely. Considering the support the winner would need to garner a nationwide
win, the candidate would probably earn at least another half of the remaining
votes in non-compacting states as well – a strong support that would discourage
faithless electors. Additionally, the state electors casting their votes for
president will be from the party that won nationwide. The NPV Compact is more
likely to protect against faithless electors than does the current system.
Uniform
Standards. The LWVUS supports uniform national voting standards. The NPV Compact aims
for having all the states become members of the compact, and thus shares the
goal of a uniform and universal method of electing the President. The fact that
the Compact will become effective at a time when states representing 270
electoral votes have joined does not change the ultimate goal that all states
adopt the Compact. Further, the NPV Compact creates uniform standards because
every national vote would be counted equally if it were to go into effect.
CONCLUDING
ARGUMENTS SUPPORTING THE NPV COMPACT
One of the
most compelling arguments in support of the NPV Compact is that this method
ensures the candidate who receives the most votes in the national election is
elected President, and does so by using the Electoral College system of electing
the President of the United States. Amending the U.S. Constitution in order to
eliminate the Electoral College and, instead, establish the direct election of
the president is much more cumbersome and much less likely to succeed. Above
all, the most appealing argument in support of the NPV Compact is that every
vote, of every party and of every voter is counted fairly and equally.
Portions of this background paper are from the LWVUS Impact on Issues, 2006-2008
CONSENSUS QUESTIONS TO BE DISCUSSED ON APRIL 16
Amending the Constitution
1. Which statement best
reflects the consensus of the group? Select one.
a. Action to alter a basic
element of the Constitutional framework, which is achievable by amendment to the
Constitution, should be accomplished by amendment to the Constitution.
b.
Action by states through a compact process is an acceptable way to alter
the method for electing the President and Vice-President.
c.
The group could not reach consensus.
2. Which statement best
reflects the consensus of the group? Select one.
a.
Because a compact has never before been used to address a fundamental
constitutional issue such as voting, the chance that it might set a precedent
for the future leads to the conclusion that it is better that the League
continue to work for an amendment to the Constitution to establish the direct
popular election of the President and the abolition of the Electoral College.
b.
Despite the novelty of the use of the compact approach to address a
fundamental constitutional issue such as voting, the League should support the
NPV Compact as a way of achieving an important goal.
c.
The group could not reach consensus
Congressional Consent
3. Which statement best
reflects the consensus of the group? Select one.
a.
The possibility that the NPV Compact will require congressional consent is not
of sufficient concern to block the implementation of the plan.
b.
The possibility that the NPV Compact will require congressional consent
is sufficient to conclude that the plan should not be implemented without
obtaining such consent.
c.
The group could not reach consensus.
Enforcement
4. Which statement best
reflects the consensus of the group? Select one.
a.
The NPV Compact contains sufficient enforcement provisions to assure
smooth operation of the plan.
b.
Although it is not possible to determine whether the enforcement
provisions will be sufficient to assure smooth operation of the plan, the plan
should be passed anyway
c.
Enforcement of the plan is likely to add uncertainty and bring the courts
into the presidential election in ways that raise substantial concerns.
d.
The lack of adequate enforcement provisions is sufficient to conclude
that the NPV is not a viable plan.
e.
The group could not reach consensus.
Uniformity
5. Which statement best
reflects the consensus of the group? Select one.
a.
The uniformity of voting systems is more important to American democracy
than the possibility that the NPV Compact can be adopted.
b.
The NPV Compact is more important than uniformity of voting systems
because it would succeed in achieving the popular election of the President.
c.
The group could not reach consensus.
Popular Election of the President
6. Which statement best
reflects the consensus of the group? Select one.
a.
It is more important to achieve the goal of national popular election of
the President than it is to achieve the goal of abolition of the electoral
college.
b.
It is more important to amend the Constitution to abolish the Electoral
College than it is to achieve the goal of popular election of the President by
alternative methods, such as the NPV Compact.
c.
The group could not reach consensus.
Achievability
7. Which statements
reflect the views of the group?
a.
The NPV Compact will have problems being passed because of the need for
congressional consideration and the need for action by so many states.
Agree Disagree No Consensus
b.
A constitutional amendment to establish the direct popular election of
the President and the abolition of the Electoral College will continue to have
problems being passed.
Agree Disagree No Consensus
Two major initiatives of
the League were discussed at our March meeting: State redistricting reform and
our support of a national cap and auction system to address global climate
change.
Redistricting Reform in
Texas
For some years the Texas
League has supported reform of the system used to create voting districts.
Redistricting
has been growing in importance as a political problem. In Texas and many other
states, the major stumbling blocks to establishing an independent, nonpolitical
process are the members of the state legislatures who are reluctant to give up
their traditional hold on drawing new district boundaries.
Voting districts are
supposed to be drawn so that the votes of all citizens are of equal importance.
After every census, the legislature is required to make any changes in
voting districts needed to reflect changes in the population.
Ideally, districts have equal or nearly equal populations, they are drawn
in a manner that does not have the effect of denying or abridging the right to
vote on the basis of race or language group, and counties are preserved within
one district if possible.
However, because
redistricting is in the hands of politicians, our elected officials are picking
their constituents, rather than the other way around. If the majority party
draws the districts, they are most likely to draw them to protect their party’s
power and to reduce the power of the minority party. Consequently, redistricting
has evolved into an electoral instrument that serves to protect and strengthen
the incumbency advantage, therefore disempowering voters and undermining
democratic accountability and making it difficult for parties to work together
for the good of the state. It is easy for all concerned to look both foolish and
vindictive.
This is the year we need
to establish an independent commission so that we will have new procedures in
place before the next census.
Senator
Jeff Wentworth has submitted a bill calling for a Redistricting Commission to
draw the district lines of the U.S. House of Representatives. The Wentworth plan
calls for a Commission of eight voting members – four Republicans and four
Democrats, all chosen by members of the Texas Legislature. None would hold or be
running for a political position. This group would select a chair to preside,
but never have a vote. Such a structure would force fair and principled
redistricting plans, since the process would never be controlled by one party.
Each of us needs to write or call our elected officials, right away, in
support of this legislation.
Addressing Global Climate Change on the National Level
LWV-US is urging all
members to contact our federal representatives in support of legislation that
would create a cap-and-auction, or cap-and-trade system, to address pollution
levels. Members need to contact our
Senators and Representative right away in support of this idea.
If a cap and auction bill is not passed in this session, it will probably
not be addressed for another year.
Our window of opportunity to avert the worst effects of global climate change is
closing fast. Please act now.
Cap and auction (cap and
trade) refers to the establishment of a national emissions cap that would limit
and reduce overall greenhouse gas emissions in a certain set of economic
sectors, such as energy and mining.
A cap would be put on total emissions and individual producers would have to
purchase, at auction, the right to emit pollution.
Individual emissions permits could be traded amongst emitters: If one
polluter was producing more than allowed to meet the cap, it could purchase
additional “credits” from another entity that was not polluting as much as
allowed. In theory, the additional
cost of those credits would motivate the polluter to innovate a way to meet the
lower requirements, driving new technology.
Periodically, the overall cap would be lowered somewhat, so that we would
eventually return to emissions levels of twenty years ago.
The design of a cap and auction program is critical to its chances of success.
Right now the carbon industries are lobbying to get a cap and trade deal that
would give away carbon permits free of charge to existing polluters, which would
bribe the sluggish to do nothing, and slow down innovation.
All allowances should be auctioned for the
public good, not to generate windfall profits for polluting industries.
Also, the initial cap must be low enough to encourage meaningful change.
Revenue raised by permit auctions should be used to promote a clean energy
future by investing in the highest-value solutions for emissions reductions
first. Auction revenues should also
be used to protect low- and moderate-income citizens from rising energy costs
and other negative economic impacts, create new jobs, ensure fair treatment for
affected workers and their communities, and drive technology transfer to help
achieve emissions reductions around the world.
Success will also depend on a careful inventory of present pollution levels and
accurate measurement of reductions.
Enforcement of the rules is essential.
Polluters must be strictly held to both short and long-term goals and
there must be no loopholes that allow continued releases while making claims of
reductions.
For complete success in a global climate change mitigation plan, any cap and auction program should be carried out in conjunction with the establishment of regulatory programs in three areas: a renewable electricity standard, a utility energy efficiency standard, and increased fuel economy standards.
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